A drop of Taiwan, a measure of China, makes heady cocktail for next PIF leaders meeting.
Commentary by Tess Newton Cain
As the 53rd meeting of Pacific Islands Forum leaders drew to a close in Nuku’alofa, there were good reasons for sighs of relief. The host country Tonga pulled together the largest ever PIF meeting, a well-organised and smoothly-run event, despite last-minute accommodation concerns.
The week began with a strength 6.9 earthquake, with thankfully no damage or tsunami. And it was all capped with an almost 100 percent turnout by 17 leaders – President of Kiribati Taneti Maamau was absent due to elections – and a visit by the UN secretary general.
But the bubble burst in a public display of discontent over the wording of the PIF meeting’s final communique and accusations of Chinese interference. A reference to Taiwan in the first official version published online, which was then taken down, and replaced with a second version with it missing, has become a cause celebre.
It’s not just a distraction for PIF and its secretariat, but a headache that could become a serious migraine leading up to next year’s meeting in Honiara. The incident has also laid bare the level of geopolitical maneuverings and brinkmanship at play in and around this apex political bloc.
The version of the communique published on the Friday afternoon included a section 66 which “reaffirmed” Taiwan’s status as a “development partner” of the PIF, which was agreed in 1992 and came into effect in 1993.
This sparked an outburst from Qian Bo, China’s special envoy to the Pacific. Speaking to journalists immediately after the PIF final press conference, he said that this text was a mistake that needed to be corrected. As the Tongan hosts put on a spectacular PIF closing ceremony, the communique was removed from the Forum Secretariat’s website, to be replaced with a revised version the following day, in which that text did not appear.
On Sunday 01 September, the Forum’s secretariat also asserted the communique published the previous day was “correct” adding, “the version as finalised does not change nor impact the decisions of the meeting nor any standing decisions of the Forum Leaders.”
But this is more than just a communique kerfuffle. At the summit’s final press conference, Prime Minister Jeremiah Manele of Solomon Islands was asked if his country would welcome the participation of a Taiwanese delegation at the next leaders meeting in Honiara. Solomons switched recognition to China in 2019.
He declined to commit to allowing their participation, instead referring to the ongoing review of regional architecture and how that will affect “dialogue partners”. As incoming chair, Manele said he would be advised by the secretariat when it comes to attendance at next year’s PIF leaders’ meeting.
A feature of this year’s meeting was dialogue partner China bringing their highest level representation and largest delegation ever, and largest foreign delegation over all, to Tonga.
Taiwan is not a Forum dialogue partner but was deemed a “development partner” in 1992 and has attended leaders’ meetings in that capacity since 1993. In addition to its bilateral relationships with individual PIF members (currently Palau, Republic of Marshall Islands, and Tuvalu), Taiwan has provided US$28million to the Forum Secretariat since 1993. This commitment has just recently been renewed for a further three years, taking it through to 2027.
Manele flagged it will be a contentious year for the Forum and its secretariat. The review is taking a long time and is fraught with a range of sensitivities – these two are interlinked.
An annex to this year’s communique sets out a proposed “Forum Partnership Mechanism”. It takes an ASEAN approach to partners, creating two tiers: Strategic Partners (Tier 1) and Sector Development Partners (Tier 2). It is not clear how, if at all, Taiwan will fare under this part of the review of PIF’s observer organisations and dialogue partners. Taiwan doesn’t neatly fit into either of these two categories.
Taiwan would very much like to be in Tier 1, but it seems unlikely. Their level of engagement and associated funding would need to be dramatically increased to bring this about. For example, PIF leaders have “urged” partners to pledge financial support to their homegrown climate finance mechanism, the Pacific Resilience Facility.
Taiwan’s Deputy Foreign Minister Tien Chung-Kwang told me, “we have not been approached on that matter because we were not invited,” referring to the talks between PIF leaders and dialogue partners, in which Taiwan does not participate.
However, he indicated that the door was open to a conversation about this, should the PIF wish to pursue that.
During the PIF Leaders’ meeting, President Surangel Whipps of Palau gave a very strong signal that changing Taiwan’s status in relation to the PIF could lead to a rift in the membership. It was only three years ago another rupture caused by the appointment of Henry Puna as PIF secretary-general saw five Micronesian countries threaten to quit the bloc, with Kiribati following through.
The inclusion of Taiwan in the communique, and subsequent removal, will see demands for answers to how? why? and who? from within and outside of PIF and lingering suspicion of foreign interference, of the non-Pacific kind.
A consensus-based collective such as the PIF can provide a degree of cover for its members, especially smaller ones, from the disruption caused by the geopolitical contest over their space. What last week showed is the differing national interests of members, big and small, and other actors can easily overshadow the important progress made – not even touched on here – on many fronts at these meetings. Book your tickets and accommodation for Honiara now.
Tess Newton Cain has worked as an independent consultant and researcher in the Pacific islands region for more than 25 years. She is a former Lecturer in Law at the University of the South Pacific and an adjunct associate professor at Griffith University, Australia. The views expressed here are her own and do not reflect the position of BenarNews.